Where is Sam Adams when we need him?
The
historic city where that feisty American patriot stood tall for liberty from
British tyranny, and where the original Boston Patriots sounded
the opening salvos of our War of Independence at Lexington and Concord, fell
subdued, silent, and submissive last week under a government lockdown that looked remarkably like martial law.
Nearly
the entire population of a million-plus-person metropolis lurked
anxiously "in place" behind their locked doors and drawn curtains,
while legions of brawny, Keflar-padded police troopers, armed to the
teeth with semi-automatic weapons, stalked aggressively in complete
control of the city and its suburbs. Fleets
of armed helicopters patrolled the airspace, while armored personnel carriers,
bristling with more troops and military weaponry, rumbled menacingly through
the silent and deserted streets.
Public
and private transportation were at a standstill, and commerce and businesses
were closed in rigid lockdown. Classes were
cancelled at Harvard, MIT, and the city's other bastions of left-wing learning
(which shows that even the most dire crises have at least some beneficial side effects). In a city intensely
addicted to the opiate of professional spectator sports, even the Red Sox and Bruin games
had been cancelled, and the great, publicly-funded arenas lay silent and empty.
Was
some monstrous twenty-first century Luftwaffe flying menacingly overhead,
about to carpet-bomb the city? Had an unhinged Kim Jong-Un somehow inserted a crack brigade of North Korean
commandoes to strike a crippling blow against a major American metropolis?
Was
some gigantic, mutant monster like Godzilla or King Kong rampaging towards Faneuil Hall and Boston Commons?Or had even large, organized gangs of urban thugs or right-wing militia launched a violent, coordinated uprising against law and order?
Well,
not exactly. Nothing quite like
that. It was indeed something sinister
and dangerous, but rather less imposing in scope and magnitude. The threat that elicited this massive martial
response was posed by a single, solitary 19-year-old man.
There
can be no doubt, then, that the effort to capture or kill this armed fugitive
warranted forceful and intensive measures, not only to bring the perpetrator to
justice but also to prevent him from inflicting any further harm on the
citizenry. Not only legitimate law
enforcement and national security concerns justified a forceful and relentless response, but the natural impulse for prompt retribution against a monstrous
crime understandably intensified the responsive effort. All of that is indisputable.
But what
can and should be questioned was the extreme and unprecedented scope of what in
fact occurred – the imposition of sweeping, heavy-handed police state tactics,
amounting to virtual martial law, upon an entire metropolitan area. An estimated 9,000 law enforcement officers -- the equivalent of about three U.S. Army brigades, or eight battalions -- were mobilized and deployed in force. All in pursuit of a solitary fugitive. Wave after wave of militarized police and
armored personnel carriers rolled and swarmed through the city and suburbs, conducting
door-to-door home searches, and giving Boston every appearance of an occupied
city. What was euphemistically labeled
as a "shelter in place" policy effectively reduced the citizenry to
prisoners in their own homes.
Transportation and commerce were frozen.
Waiting in submissive confinement was the order of the day. Except for those roughly hustled out of their homes by the implacable search parties. And, in the end, the wounded fugitive was apparently unarmed when he was finally located by a civilian -- who was able to leave his house and take a closer look at the boat in his driveway only because the lockout had been lifted.
Had
this lockdown policy been confined to a reasonably circumscribed area where the
fugitive was likely to be located, it would be far more understandable. But it was not. It apparently extended to nearly the entire
Boston metropolitan area, including Waltham, Newton, Belmont, and Cambridge.
It
would take a marvel of almost supernatural mobility and ferocity to justify such an extensive regional lockdown in pursuit of a single person. But there is no indication that Dzhokhar
Tsarnaev, however nefarious his terrorist crimes, was even a trained or
experienced operative, let alone one so skilled, elusive, and formidable as to
warrant the sweeping area paralysis that was adopted here. Indeed, after the Thursday night shootout in
which the elder brother was killed, the younger terrorist apparently escaped on foot.
That factor alone – even putting aside whether he was significantly
wounded at that stage -- should have prompted the authorities to exercise sensible
restraint in the area scope of their lockdown. How far, after all, could an embattled
fugitive roam on foot when armed police were everywhere, and surveillance helicopters
circled overhead?
Almost
equally remarkable was the unquestioning acquiescence in this unprecedented
and indiscriminate exercise of police power—indeed, the apparent approval and
endorsement of it -- by the reporting
media and the Boston populace. The
strong instinct and spirit of liberty that infused the likes of Sam Adams and
Patrick Henry in revolutionary times – and caused them to bristle at British
intrusions far less oppressive than Gov. Patrick's "shelter in place"
directive -- appears to be largely extinguished in Boston and among the members
of America's contemporary mainstream press.
The confinement of more than a million people to their homes to facilitate the search for a solitary teenage fugitive is apparently no big deal in Boston.
Yet in the
face of an unprecedented exercise of police powers that had many of the
earmarks of martial law, one would expect the press or a modest
element of liberty-loving citizens to at least raise a word of protest or
demand a constitutional justification.
On the contrary, however, it appears the near unanimous Bostonian and
media response to the episode was endorsement and approval of the government's
sweeping impositions.
All in
all, this episode does not bode well for the future. If federal, state, and local governments are
so ready to exercise such draconian powers in the face of the threat posed by a
solitary fugitive, and if Americans
are so ready to surrender their liberties on such a precarious justification, what
will stand in the way of more sustained police state tactics when much broader
threats arise -- or are merely posited? And our enemies must be smiling at the prospect of shutting down whole American cities at such a small expenditure of resources.
Apologists
for the tactics employed in Boston have not only argued that they were
plainly justified by the presence of a dangerous fugitive on the loose, but that there
was no actual mandatory "lockdown," and that the confinement of the
citizenry to their homes was purely voluntary.
The
argument that the oppressive and sweeping tactics employed were objectively justified proves far too much. Even as we speak,
murderous fugitives more threatening and capable than the neophyte 19-year old
Tsarnaev are undoubtedly at large in various parts of the country. One need only start by examining the FBI's
Ten Most Wanted List – all of whom are dangerous felons at large, by definition
-- before moving on to the broader universe of dangerous fugitive felons
pursued by the numerous fugitive task forces coordinated and led by the U.S. Marshals
Service. Dangerous fugitives are
scattered across the American landscape.
Should government impose sweeping lockdowns wherever they surface? Only recently, a far more formidable and dangerous fugitive than
Tsarnaev – highly-trained and experienced ex-cop Christopher Dorner, who had
murdered three, wounded two, and credibly threatened further mayhem – was on
the loose in the San Diego area. Before
Dorner met his demise, the authorities did impose a limited lockdown, but it
was prudently confined to the small resort village of Big Bear, where the
authorities had narrowed their search, and was not comparable to what
occurred in Boston.
The
fact is that if the presence of a single armed and dangerous fugitive is
sufficient to justify imposition of broad metropolitan or regional lockdowns,
then government police power will exceed anything we have heretofore tolerated,
and our liberties would be seriously imperiled.
And the mere fact that the particular fugitive in question may be defined as a
terrorist does not alter the essential concern.
Finally,
those who disparage the concerns raised by the Boston lockdown and the associated
police tactics have sought to portray it as an essentially voluntary program
that coerced no one. But there is
much evidence to the contrary.
As
shown in widespread photos, electronic message boards overhanging the highways
blazoned the stark directive, "Shelter in Place in Effect in Boston." Citizens reported receiving reverse 911
"robocalls" on early Friday morning, sternly instructing them to stay in their homes. The early news
reports that alerted the citizenry to the lockdown did not suggest a voluntary
program: "Boston lockdown: Authorities order residents to shelter in
place during massive manhunt," blared the NBC News report.
Other
evidence of coercive police state tactics has emerged, and who knows how many
other incidents have gone unreported – since in this peculiar scenario, the media
has largely acted as the government's cheerleader, rather than as a watchdog. In one incident, it was reported that on the afternoon of the lockdown armed police charged and
surrounded a solitary citizen who had merely emerged from his house on Dexter
Street in Watertown. "Why did you
get out of your house?," the angry troopers reportedly demanded, and
proceeded to slap handcuffs on the bewildered man.
The blog "Poor Richard's News" has provided further graphic evidence of what appears to be objectionable police coercion applied to innocent citizens, including videos providing disturbing
images of the harsh house-to-house search tactics used in Watertown (see YouTube video below). As demonstrated there and elsewhere, it is
difficult to consider a search request as voluntary when it is made by a
cluster of militarized police brandishing their firearms on your doorstep.Finally, of course, there is the fact that the governor finally announced at some time after 6PM that the lockdown was lifted and people were free to go outside, but to be "vigilant." That the governor so generously decided to give the people their liberty passes to go outside is difficult to reconcile with a voluntary exercise in citizen self-confinement. The voluntary aspect of the unprecedented Boston lockdown appears to have been strictly technical.
Apart
from the fact that the Marathon terrorist was rather swiftly apprehended (apparently due
to a tip from a citizen who left his home after the lockdown was lifted), the
best thing to be said for the Boston lockdown was that it lasted less than a
full day and was finally lifted by the governor without any apparent pressure from the
citizenry, the media, or the judiciary.
And, in fairness, it must be conceded that the unprecedented extent of
the lockdown was imposed in response to a novel, post-9-11 terrorist scenario, following
a genuinely gruesome atrocity in a setting long associated with civic
celebration and good will. Hopefully,
the review of this disturbing episode will bring renewed attention to the need
for balancing the exigencies of terrorist-related law enforcement with the personal
liberties that were first asserted so fiercely by Sam Adams and
other feisty patriots in the city that today seems so far removed in spirit
from those revolutionary times.
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