DALLAS, OBAMA, AND THE FALSE FOUNDATION OF THE BLACK LIVES MATTER MOVEMENT

              The deeply dishonest  and divisive President Obama is scheduled to speak this Tuesday at a memorial for the five murdered Dallas Policemen.  This is a grotesque insult to the fallen officers and their law enforcement comrades nationwide, but is typical of the twisted presumption that the nation somehow requires the guidance of a discredited president whenever a major tragedy attracts widespread media attention. 

                The Nation should turn its back on what will certainly be a fraudulent political speech.  After mouthing the standard bromides and formalities necessitated by such an occasion, Obama can be expected to draw a false equivalence between the genuine tragedy of race-based anti-police violence and the insidious fiction that there is widespread law enforcement discrimination against blacks. 

              The Dallas police should give Obama the same treatment the NYPD officers gave the hypocrite NYC Mayor de Blasio when he had the audacity to show up at the funeral of a policeman who was killed in the very climate of anti-police/anti-white hatred that de Blasio and his ilk have incited.  The NYC officers turned their backs on de Blasio, and the Dallas officers should do the same to Obama.

                Those who share responsibility for the Dallas officers' murders should not be allowed anywhere near their memorial service, let alone be invited to speak as chief eulogist.  Yet the very man whose divisive rhetoric helped establish the atmosphere of anti-police animosity in which attacks on police became inevitable will be allowed to use the officers' service as a platform to reiterate the fallacies that fueled these murders – i.e., the anti-white police gospel of the insidious Black Lives Matters (BLM) movement whose malicious demonstration provided the stage and environment  for Micah "X" Johnson's murder of the white officers.

                There can be no doubt about this:  Obama and his fellow racial agitators in government, politics, media, and the black community do bear grave responsibility for the poisonous climate of anti-police/anti-white malice that they have persistently cultivated.  And it is that sulfurous climate which provided a false sense of legitimacy for the racist anger that motivated Micah Johnson to commit his murderous atrocities.  In case after case, Obama and his political and media allies have instantly pounced on any police action that injures black hoodlums to parrot false and inflammatory claims of discriminatory treatment -- only to be proven horribly wrong when the facts reveal it was the black miscreant (e.g., Michael Brown), not the officer, who was at fault.  But the Black Lives Matter mobs are utterly oblivious to any facts that contradict their anti-police malice, and Obama and his minions have persistently reinforced their defiance of the facts that undermine their implacable hostility.

                SR acknowledges there are those who deny that Obama and his fellow racial agitators bear any responsibility for the Dallas murders.  These apologists lamely invoke the premise that only the actual perpetrator bears full responsibility and that placing any responsibility on others somehow diminishes the killer's guilt. 

                This is a bogus "straw man" argument, asserted in order to absolve those who feed the flames of any responsibility for the conflagration that follows.  No one is denying or diminishing  the perpetrator's individual guilt; rather, they are only making the obvious point that nurturing a pervasive atmosphere of intense anti-police animosity tends to breed anti-police violence.

                An atrocity like the Dallas police murders may have many "but for" causes, even though the actual perpetrator bears direct and primary responsibility, and only he is chargeable with the murder itself.  Obama, Eric Holder, Loretta Lynch, Al Sharpton, and countless celebrity leftists have all fomented anti-police and anti-white malice by constantly repeating the gross falsehood that there is a nationwide pattern of discriminatory law enforcement against blacks.  But for the poisonous narrative portraying police as racist dragoons out to persecute innocent black "youths" nurtured by Obama and his leftist minions, it is unlikely that Micah Johnson would have reached the fever pitch of malice against white policemen that possessed him.  And it is unlikely that the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement would have achieved the prominence and power that enabled it to stage massive anti-police demonstrations of the type that provided the stage and setting chosen by Johnson for his murderous assaults.

                There are many reasons to be furious about the Dallas atrocity and other violent disruptions fueled by the BLM movement and its political and media cheerleaders, but the utterly fraudulent  premise and foundation for the entire campaign is the most infuriating aspect of the whole ugly charade.

                Obama, his successive black Attorneys General, and their allies and echo chambers in the media have relentlessly repeated the canard that black anger and resentment against police is perfectly understandable, and even justified, because police engage in consistently discriminatory enforcement of the laws against blacks, especially young black males. 

                The contention is not only false, it is wildly false, and, indeed, the opposite of the truth.  Far from going out of their way to invite predictably contentious or even violent response by confronting truculent black males with unfounded criminal charges, police are understandably reticent to press criminal charges against urban black males except in the most clear-cut and serious circumstances. 

                This is now so well understood that we even have a recognized name for it:  The Ferguson Effect.  Police officers nationwide are keenly aware that any enforcement confrontation with blacks in an inner-city environment poses a grave risk that they will be video-recorded, charged with discriminatory practices, or even physically threatened or attacked by surrounding crowds.

                The most common form of the "discriminatory enforcement" charge is simply to make it as a sweeping generalization that presumably no one would pesume to question – especially in mainstream media discussions, where the leftist moderators and commentators are only too willing to accept as gospel anything and everything asserted by advocates of the blacks-as-victims gospel.  The generalizations are then often followed by invocation of such popular maxims as the bogus "driving while black" slogan, which falsely assumes the premise that black drivers are stopped by police more often because they are black, rather than because they commit more violations; and the equally bogus "racial profiling" canard, which is based on the incoherent and illogical premise that evidence of criminal suspects' race must be disregarded in criminal investigations.  Then the advocates' glibly assert their own alleged (and likely fictional) experiences in being singled out by police in their youth because of their race – a clever technique indeed, because unwitnessed fabrications of long past incidents are  impossible to refute. 

                Fortunately, the FBI and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) have been maintaining official data on race and crime for many decades.  Extensive, longstanding, and consistent, the data demonstrate that blacks commit a vastly disproportionate share of violent crimes. 

                Thus, the fact that blacks constitute a disproportionate percentage of those arrested and incarcerated for violent crime is plainly not because our police and law enforcement authorities are engaged in racist discrimination.  Given that our highest law enforcement positions at both federal and state levels are heavily occupied by blacks – like our last two Attorney Generals, and the current Secretary of Homeland Security, to name only a few – this would be rather remarkable and counterintuitive.  No, the reason for this disproportion is because blacks commit an extremely high percentage of total violent crimes – a total that far exceeds their percentage of the overall U.S. population.

                Murder is perhaps the best example.  Going back at least three decades, the government data demonstrates that blacks commit about  52% of U.S. murders, year after year (for the period 1980-2008, 52.5% of homicides were committed by blacks, whereas 45.3% were committed by whites).  Yet blacks constitute only 13% of the U.S. population.  This being the case, one would expect that Blacks would constitute about 50% of those sentenced and executed to capital punishment for murder.  But one would be wrong.  In fact, white murderers are both sentenced to death and actually executed  in consistently greater numbers than blacks (for a full analysis of this subject, see my 2014 post, The Capital Canard of Death Penalty Discrimination) .  Since 1976, 55.5% of those executed for murder in the U.S. were white, while only 34.6% were black.  In other words, a white murderer is far more likely to be convicted and executed for murder than a black. 

                So much for Obama's contention that the criminal law is applied to blacks with disproportionate severity.  On the contrary.

                The data on other violent crimes similarly confirms the hard fact that blacks consistently commit violent crimes at a vastly higher rate than whites or other races in America.  The studies and reports vary somewhat in the detail, but the findings are consistent on the basic point.  They show that blacks are roughly eight times more likely to commit robbery than whites; commit violent crimes in general at a rate four to eight times greater than whites; and are 39 times more likely to commit inter-racial crimes against whites than vice versa.  On the local level, disproportionate crime by blacks is sometimes even more striking.  One study showed that for the period January-June, 2008, 83% of gun assaults in New York City were committed by blacks, even though they represented only 24% of the city population.

                Thus, when Obama and his minions glibly repeat the canard that black anti-police animosity is the understandable consequence of discriminatory enforcement against innocent young black youths, know that they are perpetrating a dangerous falsehood of Goebels-like proportions.  Blacks, and young black males in particular, are more likely to experience stops, arrests, and other coercive interactions with police because they commit vastly more of the crimes that necessitate such confrontations.  The whole edifice of the Black Lives Matter campaign is built upon a demonstrably fraudulent foundation of lies and calumnies. 

                Outrageously, however, Obama is apt to subtly re-insinuate this dangerous  fallacy when he delivers his supposedly "healing" message at the memorial for the murdered Dallas policemen.  If he does, let us hope that his deeply dishonest message is treated with the contempt it deserves.